Parliament for the first time came to think about Ahmet Türk

Ahmet Türk, President, Democratic Society Party (DTP)

From Hürriyet Daily News…

Opinion by Mehmet Ali Birand

Monday, November 16, 2009

In politics it’s always like that.

Those who want to cover up the issue will succeed to a certain extent. But no matter how hard they try in the end it will surface.

And those who want to solve the problem first start by discussing the issue.

If a society started to discuss a subject it means we are getting somewhere. For, everything that nobody dares to talk about during discussions becomes part of your daily life.

For example, once it was a crime to say, “Honorable Öcalan.” People were tried for that.

What happened next?

Discussions became so widespread that now everybody says Honorable and Honorable became casual.

Last week in meetings at the Parliament words were spoken that indicated that the Kurdish initiative has progressed much. It was understood that this was not to be stopped anymore. This meeting was a historic one. With its content and broad discussions regarding the Kurdish issue the meeting was a turning point

I was not able to write about this session. Even though a few days passed since, I wanted to make an analysis of the discussion.

Ahmet Türk gave one of his most brilliant speeches

It was not very catchy but DTP leader Ahmet Türk gave one of his most sensitive, calm and brisk speeches loaded with never-before-heard reality I have ever witnessed before. He confronted us with the past and made us feel ashamed when he talked about how we treated our Kurdish citizens. And he did it without exaggeration. He calibrated.

When he said, “Please put yourselves in our place,” he reflected his most sincere feelings.

The most important aspect of the speech was the part where he said that the Kurdish issue is in fact a Turkish issue. He approached the subject from Turkey’s perspective. He looked at it from the Turkish perspective, not the Kurdish.

Türk, for the first time under the roof of the Parliament, said the PKK is a result of ill treatment of Kurdish citizens in public. He openly revealed this reality that everybody knows but ignores.

Ahmet Türk couldn’t help but touch on the weakness of steps taken so far. But nevertheless he contended himself by saying he left the door open to see what will come next. He criticized the government but did not break bridges. But his strongest criticism, which was in fact justified, he directed toward the CHP.

In this respect Türk was the star of the session.

Prime Minister obligated himself strongly

The prime minister‘s speech was full of signs of how he adopted the Kurdish initiative. He might have had to take on such an attitude in view of brisk criticism from the opposition. Sentences he used in his speech would have put prosecutors into action five or six years ago.

Erdoğan while assuring that his administration will stand behind this process, tried to be careful not to appear cooperative with the DTP but still keep in touch. He only applauded Ahmet Türk out of all the opposition parties.

Speeches in Parliament once more showed how difficult a job the administration does. Despite that it was interesting to see how strong the AKP stood in respect to this subject. To tell the truth, I did not expect the prime minister and the AKP to carry this subject this far. Now we know how right a decision it was to appoint Atalay as the coordinator.

I can’t help but say this much.

Initiative packages suggested so far are in my eyes still insufficient. If no real steps are taken it means we’ll only try in vain.

For the rest of Mehmet Ali Birand’s opinion piece, click here.

Kurdish Politics in Syria: a dangerous game

'Syrian Political Prisoner' From: Syrian Observatory for Human Rights

Syrian courts yesterday convicted three Kurds to three years for being members of the leadership of a Kurdish political party.  The convictions come just one week after four other Kurds were sentenced for membership in another Kurdish political party.  There are fifteen Kurdish political parties in Syria, all of which are banned there.

The three men, Mustafa Juma Bakr, Muhammed Saed al-Omar, and Saadoun Mahmoud Sheikho, are members of the Kurdish Azadî Party.  Juma Bakr, 62, is the deputy chairperson of the party and was detained on 10 January 2009.  Al-Omar and Sheikho were arrested on 26 October 2008.

According to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights website, all three were charged and convicted for ‘undermining the security of the state’ and ‘weakening national sentiment,’ according to article 285 of the Syrian penal code.  For this conviction they each received three years imprisonment.  They were also given six months for ‘inciting religious and racial tensions’ (article 307) but the court suspended the sentence on that charge.  The court also threw out the charge of sedition, which carries the death penalty.

Juma Bakr, Sheikho, al-Omar

Under Article 285 of the Penal Code, temporary imprisonment is to be imposed on anyone calling for ‘anything to weaken the national feeling (shu’ur), or [trying] to create sectarian or religious chauvinism in time of war or when war is expected.’

Articles 307 of the Penal Code deals with acts classified as ‘crimes which reduce national unity or sow discord among the elements of the population.’ These offences are covered by Article 6(b) of the State of Emergency Law, which categorises offences identified in Articles 260-339 of the Penal Code as ‘crimes against the security of the state and public order’ and are tried by the Supreme State Security Court. Article 307 states: ‘Any work, writing or speech intended to result, or resulting, in incitement of sectarian or racial chauvinism (na’arah) or encouraging disputes between the sects or races of the nation is punishable by imprisonment from six months to two years together with deprivation of civil rights.’

There is a visible upswing in the number of arrests and convictions in Syria of Kurdish activists and those who join a Kurdish political party or participate in any human rights movement.  There are now more than 150 Kurds held as political prisoners in Syria and not a day goes by without a Kurd—activist, student, or otherwise—being questioned by state security.

Fouad Aliko, a prominent member of the Yekîtî party, was sentenced to a year in jail in April for being part of an association ‘with an international facet.’

Hassan Saleh, a member in the same party, was sentenced to 13 months in prison for ‘instigating riots and sectarian tensions.’

In May Mesh’al al-Tammo, spokesperson for the Kurdish Future Movement, was convicted under article 285 and sentenced to 3½ years imprisonment.

And last week the State Security Court passed down a verdict against four Kurds and they were given 6-year sentences for their participation in the Kurdish Democratic Union Party.  The four were charged with membership in banned party and for plotting to join a part of Syrian territory with a foreign country.  The four are: Nasser Muhammed, Fawaz Ali, Saud Sheikhmous, and Abdul Rahman Muhammed.

It is clear that more and more, Syrian authorities are targeting prominent members and leaders of Kurdish political parties.  And those who are convicted are getting longer prison terms.

Back in 2005 at the Ba’ath Party congress, Syrian officials made vague promises to look at measures to help Kurds, who make up some 10-15% of the population.  They have also said they would engage in dialogue to ‘solve the Kurdish cause democratically.’  To date, nothing has been done.  The opposite is probably true: the situation is far worse, with more repression and harassment.

With Ankara opening the door to Kurdish rights to the north and the autonomous Kurdish Regional Government in Iraq to the east, Damascus has reason to be concerned.  Kurds in Syria, they know, will not sit idly by and watch as their brethren reap the benefits of political changes and democratisation.

Abdul Hakim Bashar, secretary of the Central Committee of the Kurdish Democratic Party in Syria, offers two reasons behind this increase in repression of the Kurds in Syria.  He suggests that regional changes, as mentioned above, and better networking of Kurds both inside and outside Syria, are causing alarm.  Syrian Kurdish groups are coordinating with other Kurdish regional groups and groups in Europe.  They are also becoming more active within Syria, emerging from secrecy and organising protests across the country.

‘The fear that Kurdish popular movements would become a general phenomenon in Syrian society has pushed the authorities to use all repressive means to try to tame the Kurds,’ Bashar said.

sources:

Syrian Kurds step up protests. Kurd Media, 17 October 2009.

Syria jails 3 Kurds for joining banned party. Maktoob News, 15 November 2009.

Syria jails four Kurds for banned party membership. Khaleej Times,10 November 2009.

الحكم بالسجن ثلاث سنوات بحق أعضاء في الهيئة القيادية لحزب أزادي الكردي.   Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, 15 November 2009.

حكم جائر على أعضاء الهيئة القيادية لحزب آزادي.  GemyaKurda, 15 November 2009.

Syria: Kurdish politician Mustafa Juma arrested. Kurd Net, 15 January 2009.

United Nations Human Rights Treaties Body Database

Kurdistan National Assembly-Syria

Kurdish Centre for Legal Studies & Consultancy, Bonn.

AKP’s Kurdish Initiative

Beşir Atalay

In a major step forward on Friday the Kurdish issue was openly debated in the Turkish parliament.  It was a turbulent parliamentary session in which the AKP offered the first concrete details of measures it plans to implement to bring an end to more than 25 years of fighting.

Interior Minister Beşir Atalay announced to the parliament that he intended to permanently end the conflict with the PKK in an open-ended process that would end terrorism and raise Turkey’s level of democracy.  The campaign’s slogan, he said, is ‘more freedom for everybody.’

There are several measures in the AKP initiative, including:

• changing names of towns and cities back to their original Kurdish names (Will they allow Şırnak to become Şirnex even with an ‘x’ on the end?),
• lifting the restrictions on Kurdish in political campaigning,
• allowing prisoners to speak Kurdish in prison with visiting relatives,
• lifting a ban on private television channels broadcasting in Kurdish, and
• creating an independent commission to prevent discrimination and torture.

While this may be an historic move and a courageous, if not politically hazardous, step for the AKP, it seems to be attracting more criticism than praise.  While Kurds may find hope in the proposed reforms, Turkish nationalists are less than pleased with Erdoğan’s ‘democratic opening.’

CHP (People’s Republic Party/ Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi) leader Deniz Baykal said Erdoğan’s reforms threaten Turkey’s unity.  He said that granting the right of education in languages other than Turkish would lead to division.

Commenting on DTP-leader Ahmet Türk’s proposal that the government establish a parliamentary commission to investigate historical mistakes made by past governments (e.g the assimilation policies), Baykal said, ‘It is no use to go back to the past.  Whatever happened, happened in the past.  We should live together from now on.’

Erdoğan: ‘There are some people who want martyrs so they can better exploit this.’

Baykal went on to accuse Erdoğan of instituting a ‘plan to destroy and split Turkey.’

Erdoğan replied, ‘There are some people who want martyrs so they can better exploit this.’  With that, Baykal and his CHP MPs walked out of the parliamentary session.

The leader of the MHP (Nationalist Movement Party/ Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi), Devlet Bahçeli said the AKP’s initiative is a ‘PKK initiative’ and charged that the government was negotiating and making deals with terrorists.  He also said that the plan was drafted as part of a greater global plot by certain world powers to take control of water and energy resources in the region.

The opposition parties have some red lines which they say may not be crossed.  A few of the CHP’s red lines are: 1) No constitutional amendment can be made on an ethnic basis, 2) There will be no education in the Kurdish language, and 3) Counter-terrorism efforts must not be abandoned.

Thus Erdoğan and Atalay will be balancing the management of the initiative with an eye on party constituents to ensure the AKP does not lose votes amongst its own core.  Nationalists and conservatives will surely rally voters against the AKP.

The PKK yesterday criticised the proposed measures as ‘superficial’ and ‘claptrap.’  In a statement announced by the Firat New Agency, they said ‘the Kurdish question cannot be resolved without recognising the will of the Kurdish people and holding dialogue with its interlocutors.’  The PKK also wants official recognition of the Kurd’s included in Turkey’s consitution.

Atalay said that Turkey needs a new, libertarian constitution as the current one does not meet Turkey’s needs.  But it is doubtful that the AKP would be able to get the necessary 367 votes in the 550-seat parliament to change the constitution.  As any constitutional change would cross a ‘red line’ drawn by the opposition, the AKP would not be able to get opposition support.

sources:

Aydinli, Pinar. Turkey unveils reform steps for Kurdish minority. Reuters, 13 November 2009.

Birch, Nicholas. Turkey is to allow Kurdish television as peace process gathers pace.  Times Online, 14 November 2009.

Culpan, Hande. Turkey risks pleasing no one with Kurdish peace plan: analysts. AFP, 14 November 2009.

Opposition critical of government’s road map, offers its own measures.  Hürriyet Daily News, 13 November 2009.

Türköne, Mümtazer. ‘Red lines’ of the democratic initiative. Today’s Zaman, 14 November 2009.

Kurdish Panels at Upcoming Conference

MESA Conference, 21-24 November, Boston, USA

If you happen to be in Boston next week, the Middle East Studies Association (MESA) is holding its annual conference from 21-24 November 2009.  This year there are many panels, presentations, and papers that deal with the Kurds.

Additionally, the Kurdish Studies Association will hold its annual business meeting during the conference.  According to the preliminary MESA programme, that meeting will be on Saturday, 21 November from 2-4pm.

Below I’ve listed the five panels.  There are also individual papers on Kurdish issues as part of other panels.  Looks to be a great event.

Becoming Kurdish: A Century of Making a Nation

Sunday, 22 November at 8.30am

-The Call of Mountains: Joining the Kurdish Insurgency (Tezcur, Gunes Murat)
-The Problem of “True” Kurdish Identity in Armenian Nationalist Literature, 1878-1914 (Turkyilmaz, Yektan)
-Kurdish Oral Tradition as ‘Historiological’ Counter-Narrative (Yuksel, Metin)
-Kurdish Women with the Context of Kurdish Nationalist Discourse Developed in the Late 19^th and early 20^th Centuries (Karaman, Emine Rezzan)

The Challenges of Kurdish Nationalism

Sunday, 22 November at 4.30pm

-Challenges to Kurdish Nationalism: The Future of the Continuing US Support for the KRG (Ahmed, Mohammed)
-Explicit and Banal, Secular and Religious Nationalisms and Turkey’s Kurdish Question (Somer, Murat)
-The European Union and the Kurdish Question in Turkey: A Challenge to Kurdish Nationalism (Yavuz, Hakan)
-The PKK and the ‘Terrorist’ Label: A Challenge to Kurdish Nationalism? (Casier, Marlies)
-New Perspectives on the Shaikh Said Rebellion: Kurdish Nationalism or Turkish Manipulation? (Ozoglu, Hakan)
-Accommodation vs Repression: Challenge of Kurdish Nationalism in Turkey (Nigogosian, Aram)

Being Kurdish

Monday, 23 November at 5.00pm

-Honor, Popular Culture, and Defining Kurdishness in Turkey (Gallo, Sevin)
-High Politics vs Economy: The Uneasy Relationship between Turkey and Iraqi-Kurds (Grigoriadis, Ionnis)
-Official Kurdish TV Station in Turkey: Emerging New Identitites? (Gurbuz, Mustafa)

Imperial Power, Local Politics, New Forms of Knowledge: Kurdish Identity and the Kurdish Question in the Late Ottoman Empire

Tuesday, 24 November at 10.30am

-Ottoman Diplomat, Russophile, and the Kurdish Patriot: Abdurrezzak Berdirhan and the Seams of Empire, 1910-1918 (Reynolds, Michael)
-The Kurdishness Periphery of Turkish Nationalism, Rediscussing the Nationalism of Ziya Gokalp (Dundar, Fuat)
-Conflicts between Urban Nationalists and Rural Ottomanists in Diyarbakir at the turn of the 20^th Century: Ziya Gökalp vs Millî Ibrahim Paşa (Jongerden, Joost)

State Formation in the Middle East: The Kurdish Question/Case

Tuesday, 24 November at 1.00pm

-The Kurdish Issue in Turkish Politics: The US and the Problematic Nature of Its Democratization Process (Charountaki, Marianna)
-Kurdish Nationalist Discourse in Kurdish Journals: 1898-1943 (Ekici, Deniz)
-Kurdish Crisis and Victimhood (Ahmed, Saladdin)
-Language and Nation-Building in Kurdistan-Iraq (Sheyholislami, Jaffer)

Ehsan Fattahian and the Treatment of Kurds in Iran

'If the rulers and oppressors think that with my death, the Kurdish question will go away, they are wrong. My death and the death of thousands of others like me will not cure the pain; they will only add to the flames of this fire. There is no doubt that every death is the beginning of new life.'

Ehsan Fattahian was put to death this morning in Iran.  He was hanged in Central Sanandaj Prison for the crime of ‘enmity against God’ or moharebeh.  Moharebeh is the term used in Sharia law to describe a major crime committed against Islam and the state.  It is a charge used frequently against Kurds in Iran (e.g. Farzad Kamangar and Adnan Hassanpour, to name just two) who are deemed to be security threats.

Fattahian, a 27-year-old Kurd from Kermanshah, was arrested on 20 July 2008 in the city of Kamyaran.  Originally he was sentenced to ten years of ‘prison in exile’ by a court in that same city.  Fattahian appealed the sentence, but so did the Kamyaran Revolutionary and General Courts prosecutor.  The prosecutor cited amendment 3 of article 22 of the Revolutionary and General Courts code as well as articles 186, 190, and 191 of the Islamic penal code and demanded the death sentence for Fattahian.  The prosecutor won the appeal, Branch 4 of the Kordestan Appeals Court overturned the initial verdict, and Fattahian’s sentence was changed to death.

This morning chief justice of the Kordestan province, Ali Akbar Gharoussi, said that the death sentence had been carried out (between 6.30am and 7.00am local time) and that Fattahian was ‘found guilty of armed action against national security’ and admitting to being a member of Komeleh.

Ehsan had admitted to being a part of Komeleh, a Kurdish political opposition group fighting to eliminate the national oppression of Kurds in Iran. Fattahian’s lawyer said, however, that no proof was presented in court that Ehsan Fattahian had engaged in any armed operations whatsoever as part of that group.

When asked by Al Arabiya about why he thinks Ehasan was hanged, Komeleh group leader Abdullah Moh’tadi said: ‘the Iranian regime is trying to intimidate ethnic minorities from joining the Green Wave. One of the methods to deter people is stricter sentencing in ethnic provinces such as Kordestan, Baluchistan and Ahwaz.’  The ‘Green Wave’ refers to the movement started in Iran for democracy during the last presidential election.

During Ehsan’s long detention he was routinely beaten and brutally tortured.  During that time he refused to confess to the allegations against him that he carried arms or that he participated in an armed struggle.  Intelligence Ministry interrogators had wanted to get a taped confession and have him show remorse for his actions.  Ehsan called them ‘illegitimate demands.’

Growing up, as Ehsan’s thoughts were developing about who he was, he came to see and feel the injustices and discrimination against the Kurds in Iran.  He ‘went in a thousand different directions’ to discover the reasons behind the injustice.  One of those directions led him to Komeleh, which he said he joined to find his ‘stolen identity.’

There are more than 10 million ‘stolen identities’ in Iran and those Kurds make up approximately 15 percent of Iran’s population.  Expression of Kurdish culture is somewhat tolerated and the Kurdish language is used in some broadcasts and publications.  However, political activity based on Kurdish identity is banned and linked to separatism.  Kurds, as a result, are disproportionately targeted using security legislation such as the capital offence of moharebeh.  Punishments (article 191) are often entirely at the discretion of the presiding judge.

There are at least twelve Kurdish political prisoners in Iran now facing the death penalty.  Many, many more are imprisoned for their beliefs and activities.

sources:

Iran: Halt Execution of Kurdish Activist.  Human Rights Watch, 10 November 2009.

Ehsan Fattahian was Hanged this Morning in Iran. MidEast Youth, 11 November 2009

Iran executes Kurdish Political Prisoner Ehsan Fattahian. Kurdish Alliance for Human Rights, 11 November 2009.

Iran Executes Kurdish Man. Amnesty International, 11 November 2009.

Ehsan Fattahian was executed today morning by the Islamic Republic… Revolutionary Road Blog, 11 November 2009.

Iran authorities hang young Kurdish activist. Al Arabiya, 11 November 2009.

For more information on Kurds in Iran, read:

–The Kurds in Iran: Past, Present and Future. Tanyel B. Taysi and Kerim Yildiz (Pluto Press, 2007).

–KHRP’s Briefing Paper ‘Human Rights and the Kurds in Iran’ from 26 August 2009.  Download here (.pdf, 207kb)

One Year Anniversary of Kurdistan Commentary

Kurdistan Commentary has been up for one year now.  Frustration in not seeing adequate coverage of Kurdish issues in English was my primary motivating factor in starting the blog.  Kurdish blogs (those by Kurds and those about Kurds) in English are limited.  Is it that blogs are passé and citizen journalism has moved onto other forms of social media?  Or is it a lack of interest in, or ignorance of, Kurdish issues?  I do not have the answer.  But I do know that there are people out there who read what I write, so I will continue.

Many Kurdish blogs that I started following over the years have long since been relegated to cyber dustbins.  Some are akin to supernovas, exploding onto the blogosphere and fading quickly after a couple months.   Others wheeze on, coughing up bits of information every few weeks or months.  Many are one-sided and nationalistic, some are inaccurate.  But such is the blogosphere.

I have to admit that Kurdistan Commentary almost went into the graveyard of Kurdish blogs.  This past summer I was travelling, then on holiday, then busy doing research (I’m in the midst of a PhD in Kurdish Studies) and all of a sudden I realised I hadn’t posted anything in a couple months.  The thought of getting back into it drained me.  I said to myself maybe I’ll do it next weekend…and then maybe the next weekend…or the one after that.

Then I remembered why I wanted to write about Kurdish issues in the first place:  I wanted to make information accessible to readers in the English-speaking world.  And 43% of KC’s readers log in from the UK, US, Canada, Australia, Ireland, and New Zealand.   I’m thrilled too that there are so many readers from other places.  So thanks for following!  It makes the effort worthwhile.

Back to the research…

best,
KB

Kirkuk Deal on Saturday?

Cartoon by Qassem H.J. who is a newspaper cartoonist working in Iraq. The cartoon above appeared in the NYTimes on 19 August 2008.

The absolute deadline they said was yesterday. But the vote on Kirkuk has been postponed again…now until Saturday. Statements via Twitter and blog postings suggest an ‘acceptable’ resolution might pass this weekend. Four competing proposals have been ‘boiled down to a single text,’ said Kurdish deputy Khaled Chwani.

Another Kurdish MP, Mahmud Othman, said ‘up until now nothing has been agreed, but Saturday afternoon we hope to reach a deal and include it on the agenda.’ Othman posted yesterday on his Twitter page that ‘a solution for Kirkuk seems in sight. We are putting the final touches on a deal fair for all & hopefully pass the law on Saturday.’

AlSumaria reported that Kurdistan Alliance MP Abdul Bari Zebari told Al Hayat Newspaper that his party has accepted the legal committee’s proposal over the elections law which gives Kirkuk a special status.

According to AKnews, Tania Tal’at, another MP on the Kurdistan Alliance List, says that parliamentary blocs have reached a preliminary agreement to hold elections adopting the 2009 voter registry.’ She also suggested that they ‘will soon reach an agreement.’

Muhammed Tamim, a legislator from Kirkuk with the Arab Front for National Dialogue, said the current proposal has received support from Arabs and Turkomen, but no response yet has been given from the Kurdistan Alliance List.

However, the head of the Iraqi electoral commission, Faraj al-Haidari, announced yesterday that it is now too late to organise a general election as planned on 16 January after repeated delays by MPs in adopting an electoral law.

The final word on the timing of the election rests with parliament, which meets again this weekend. MPs may vote to push the date back towards the constitutional deadline of 31 January 2010.

MPs have long been deadlocked over the status of Kirkuk. At issue is ethnic representation and control of the city. While Kurds favour using current voter registration lists and keeping Kirkuk as one constituency, Arabs and Turkomen want 2004 or 2005 records to be used, or for Kirkuk to be split into two constituencies.

In the 1957 census it was estimated that Kurds made up 48.3% of the population in Kirkuk, Arabs 28.2%, and Turkomen 21.4%. The rest were Assyrian-Chaldean Christians and other smaller minority groups. Last spring the percentages were estimated at Kurdish 52%, Arab 35%, and Turkomen only 12%.

As a compromise measure the tentative agreement will assign one extra seat to the Arabs and Turkomen and the most recent voter registration records will be used. The proposal that was hammered out also suggests making the results of the election provisional, subject to an examination of the voter rolls to ensure accuracy.

If population counts from 2004 or 2005 were to be used, as Arab and Turkomen had wanted, percentages would favour these groups.

Recently elected Kurdish Prime Minister, Barham Salih, said back in 2004 of Kirkuk ‘We [Kurds] have a claim to Kirkuk rooted in history, geography and demographics.’

AlJazeera report on PKK peace groups

Reporting from Diyarbakır, Anita McNaught of AlJazeera English discusses the recent return of PKK members and the fallout that followed:

YouTube, 30 October 2009

Rojîn files sexual harassment suit against Serdar Turgut

'Is it because I am a Kurd even more than I am a woman?'

Kurdish pop-star and former host of her own show on TRT6, Rojîn filed a criminal complaint against Akşam newspaper columnist Serdar Turgut, handing her petition to the Bakırköy Courthouse on 27 October.

Turgut, former editor-in-chief of Akşam, published a column on 24 October entitled ‘I regret not being a PKK terrorist’ in which he said he wanted to make Rojîn his ‘sex slave.’

What he said exactly was:

“From what I understand of Öcalan’s statements, there are occasional group sex parties in the mountains. I would definitely have participated in those with a militant consciousness. I haven’t yet seen a woman PKK member that I like, but that’s OK; if I couldn’t have found one there, I would’ve founded a cell, raided the city, abducted Rojîn and taken her to the mountains. What’s more, I might even have proposed to her.  Think about it, for years I would enjoy a life in the mountains; I would live with Rojîn, who I would make my sex slave, and go to the city when I get sick of the woman’s chatter to kill some editors-in-chief.”

The column was supposed to be a criticism of the recent arrival of a PKK group and Turgut couldn’t understand why Rojîn didn’t see the humour.

If Turgut’s attempt at humour failed, his attempt at an apology only made it worse.  He said in his column yesterday (29

'Instead of laughing, she chose to be a victim.'

October), which was called ‘I thought Rojîn was smart,’ ‘Looking at her speeches and television performances, I thought Rojîn was a smart woman. Instead of laughing, she chose to be a victim.’  She chose to be a victim?

But Rojîn does not want an apology. She wants his ‘insult to be punished on behalf of all women.’ She has demanded in her complaint to prosecute Turgut under charges of ‘sexual harassment’ and ‘insult via the media.’  She also said she would pursue this until the end as an example in Turkey. Saying that what Turgut wrote had nothing to do with humour but was rather racism and sexism.  She asks ‘Is the reason for this indifference that I am a Kurd and a women?’

Women’s organisations such as Med-iz plan to petition a court to join the case against Turgut.  Med-iz works against sexism in the media.

‘There is nothing to say to Turgut, but we will ask the court to allow us to take part [in the case] since his article degrades all women in Turkey, and especially Kurdish women,’ said Melek Özman from Med-iz.

Kerem Altıparmak, who is affiliated with the Ankara University Human Rights Research Centre, also underlined that Turgut’s article cannot be considered merely a personal conflict since the article targets women who belong to an ethnic group.

‘From the point of view of freedom of expression, the question that needs to be asked is, does this article justify the kidnapping of a Kurdish woman? The article suggests that any Kurdish woman, due to her ethnicity, is linked to the PKK and that kidnapping her for sexual purposes would be justified. If you considered the present situation in Turkey, the danger is immediate,’ Altıparmak told Today’s Zaman.

In part of a written statement Rojîn stated that ‘Turgut used my name for this ugly aim with the same ugliness. What gives him the audacity to use these monstrous, salivating and macho phrases like ‘Abducting to the mountains’ and ‘making a sex slave’?’ she wrote. ‘Is it because I am a Kurd even more than I am a woman?’

If Rojîn’s claim is accepted, Turgut could face between 6 months and 4 years imprisonment.

sources:

Çakir, Bawer.  Artist Rojîn Sues Journalist Turgut for “Sexual Harassment”.  Istanbul – BİA News Center, 29 October 2009.

Karabat, Ayşe. Women’s organizations to take columnist Turgut to court. Today’s Zaman, 29 October 2009.

Turgut apologizes to Rojîn in column. Today’s Zaman, 30 October 2009.

Report from the Diyarbakır Branch of the HRA

Below is a letter from the Diyarbakır Branch of the Human Rights Association on recent developments in the region.  I’ve edited it somewhat due to its length.  The full 3-page evaluation report can be downloaded here.

27 October 2009
To our esteemed and valued fellow human rights defenders,

Since 1988, the Diyarbakir Branch of the Human Rights Association has stood with those who have faced religious, linguistic, ethnic, class, and sexual discrimination, supported those who have had their fundamental rights and liberties violated, worked to provide victims with legal support, reported on violations, and striven to inform public opinon about these matters.

Since 2005, negative revisions have been made to the Turkish Penal Code, Anti-Terror Law, Police law and the Criminal Procedure Law. These changes have curtailed freedom of thought and expression and freedom of association.  Human rights violations have sharply increased in parallel with these changes.  It says in the European Union progress report announced on 13 October 2009 that Turkey has made progress in the areas of economic competition and statistical and scientific research, but that there’s been regression in the areas of human rights and democracy.

In the elections held on 29 March 2009, the Democratic Society Party (Demokratik Toplum Partisi – DTP) increased the number of municipalities under its control from 54 to 99.  A major operation was carried out against the party two weeks after the election; in six months, more than 1,000 party members were detained.  Due to a judicial decision prohibiting access to files concerning the situation of the detained people, 450 DTP members and activists have remained under arrest for months without knowing what they’re being charged with.  Fourteen and fifteen year-old children are being tried with the demand that they be punished with sentences between 10 and 25 years in prison for making the ‘V’ for victory sign with their fingers or throwing stones at police.  In the last four years, security forces have increased the use of disproportionate force against children and children’s deaths have increased.  In the latest EU progress report it’s discussed how police officers facing trial for “killing outside legitimate self-defence” have been “acquitted”.

The army’s repression and tutelage over politics, the judiciary, media and society have reached extraordinary dimensions.  The military very frequently goes before the press and makes statements on all varieties of political issues.  In 1997, the EMASYA Secret Protocol on Security, Public Order and Assistance was signed between the Interior Ministry and the General Staff and handed over to military units without even consulting the leaders of provincial and local administration.  By looking at this protocol we can understand how the country is managed.  In the EU progress report it’s requested that this protocol be immediately terminated.

Recently, increases in human rights violations have been caused by intensified military operations and clashes in northern Iraq and eastern and southeastern Turkey, repression of non-violent social movements and political parties, and the growth of hardline nationalism.

The government’s process that was first shared with the public as a ‘Kurdish’ opening and later turned into a ‘Democratic’ one has most recently turned into a ‘National Unity Project’. While this project is found to be significant and positive, the rapid increase in human rights violations it has coincided with makes us apprehensive.

The following table is made up of the original data we normally gather from the 16 branches of the Human Rights Association in Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia:

(click to enlarge)

The importance of the Human Rights Association’s work becomes evident when we look at the increase in human rights violations following the year 2005.  We defend international human rights norms, and we think that cooperation with international organizations and institutions are important for this goal.  We wish to point out that we’d like to work with you in such respects as mutual communication regarding the area of human rights, sharing experiences, publicizing our reports, bringing together the public, and education projects.  We hope that we can remain in contact with you in the future.  One of our biggest objectives is to provide the international community with reliable and accurate information about the human rights situation in Turkey.

With our respect,
Muharrem Erbey, Attorney at Law
Vice President of the Human Rights Association
President of the Diyarbakır Branch of the HRA

DTP to be “more sensitive”

Ahmet Türk speaking at DTP press conference

In a press conference on Monday, Democratic Society Party (DTP) leader Ahmet Türk, said his party will act more sensitively when it comes to the return of PKK-affiliated groups.

He said though that the people who participated in celebrations wanted to celebrate peace but were misunderstood. He also urged all to use the “language of peace” instead of the “language of war.”

“It can only be the job of irresponsible politicians to describe a small step on the road to peace using inflammatory words such as winning, losing and surrendering,” Türk said.

Türk strongly criticised both the Republican People’s Party (CHP) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) saying that they “are trying very hard to reverse the process because they have nothing to offer society apart from conflict, bloodshed and tears.”  He called their approach to the democratisation process racist, separatist, and dangerous.

Deputy Prime Minister Bülent Arınç said the government has no intention to give up on the solution process because it is Turkey’s “last chance” to solve the decades-old Kurdish problem.

“This process will continue and has to continue. No matter what its consequences and risks will be, we are intent on carrying out this initiative, which we have launched for the benefit of Turkey,” Arınç said.

He said they are anticipating more PKK groups in November.

 

source:

DTP promises more sensitivity with upcoming returnees. Today’s Zaman, 27 October 2009.

 

Return of PKK group from Europe postponed?

Erdoğan: "Let's take a break."

The return of a group of 15 PKK members had been planned for Wednesday, 28 October.  They were to fly to Istanbul from Germany.  PM Erdoğan has been quoted as saying, “Unwanted things happened despite the warnings given to the DTP. A crisis of confidence has emerged and return of the group from Germany has been postponed.”

Istanbul Province Governor Muammer Güler said today that their return to Istanbul on Wednesday was “out of question.”

sources:

Turk PM seeks halt return of Kurdish refugees. Reuters India, 24 October 2009.

Arrival Of Terrorist Pkk Members On October 28 Out Of Question. Haber Turk, 24 October 2009.

Turkish PM sees ‘crisis of confidence’ with Kurds. AFP on therawstory, 24 October 2009.

Second PKK Peace Group coming to Istanbul

Celebrations in Diyarbakir on Wednesday, 21 October (AP Photo )

A serious schism is deepening in Turkey over the welcoming of the 34 PKK fighters and refugees who arrived earlier this week.  Fifteen more members of the PKK will arrive in Istanbul on Wednesday, 28 October.  This second peace group will fly in from Europe. The DTP has issued a statement in which it states they are planning a welcome at the airport and a massive reception to “meet the PKK members from Europe with the same glory.” DTP Istanbul co-chair, Mustafa Avci, said it would be “a feast” in honour of those returning.

The jubilant celebrations earlier this week though have triggered a probe against the DTP.  The Supreme Court of Appeals Chief Prosecutor, Abdurrahman Yalcınkaya, will be examining footage and photos of rallies and demonstrations to determine any possible charges against the DTP.

Turkish PM Erdoğan issued a warning on Thursday not to exploit the “homecoming process” for political ends.  He said this was the last chance for success and cautioned the DTP “not to ruin” the initiative the AKP has put forth.  He hinted that, if necessary, the government could consider suspending the whole process.  This, however, does not seem plausible.  The celebrations and rallies and cries of joy hit the country like a tsunami.

President Abdullah Gül said the celebrations were “provocative” and he did not “endorse such moves.”

Interior Minister Beşir Atalay: "Nobody should think of staging these scenes again."

However, neither Erdoğan nor Gül blamed the DTP directly for the rallies and celebrations, but rather voiced their concerns through Interior Minister Beşir Atalay.  Atalay accused the DTP of acting irresponsibly and said he has no tolerance for such scenes.

The military too has begun criticising the celebrations.  Major General Ferit Güler said at a news conference, “Everybody should refrain from acts that could drag the country toward polarisation, separation, and conflict.”  Isn’t this what already exists, Major General?

European reactions were somewhat more favourable.  While the EU have backed Ankara’s efforts at reconciliation, they noted too that Turkish authorities should take concrete measures to turn the initiative into reality.  Helen Flautre, co-chair of the Turkey-EU Joint Parliamentary Committee, was cautiously optimistic and said it is a “promising moment heralding the end of so many sufferings in the country.”

If 100,000 people gathered in Diyarbakır’s Batıkent Square on Wednesday to welcome home the first PKK group, how many will gather in Istanbul for the second group?  And what will the government’s reaction be?

The fifteen PKK members in Europe will hold a press conference in Brussels on 27 October to discuss their return.  From there they will fly to Düsseldorf and then to Istanbul arriving on the 28^th.  There will be a convoy to take them from the airport to the rally and celebration in Kazlıçeşme, a neighborhood in Istanbul that has seen this type of celebration before.  But not without consequences.  In March 2008 during a Newroz celebration more than 100,000 gathered for the festivities.  10,000 members of the Turkish security forces were deployed in Kazlıçeşme to intimidate the crowds.  Clashes erupted, two people were killed, several hundred were injured, and hundreds were detained over a three-day period.

Let’s hope the celebrations to come are not met with the same violence from the military forces.  Let’s hope.  Aştî.

sources:

Hacaoglu, Selcan. Turkish Official Urges Kurdish Rebels to Surrender. Taiwan Times, 23 October 2009.

EU backs Kurdish initiative, wants concrete steps. Today’s Zaman, 23 October 2009.

Rift over PKK reception deepens: DTP says same will happen in Istanbul. Hürriyet Daily News, 23 October 2009.

DTP to greet PKK groups from Europe with rallies despite warnings. World Bulletin/News Desk, 23 October 2009.

Turkish prosecutor opens probe on DTP over PKK welcomings. World Bulletin/News Desk, 23 October 2009.

Reception for returnees causes rift, probe launched against DTP. Hürriyet Daily News, 22 October 2009

New York Kurdish Film Festival

The First New York Kurdish Film Festival:
A Cinema Across Borders

October 21-25, 2009

www.nykff.com

Featuring eight full-length films, ten short films, documentaries, post-show discussions with the film directors, and a keynote panel discussion with six prominent filmmakers from Iran, Iraq, Turkey and the diaspora.

TICKETS
Many events are FREE. Ticketed events: $10 through www.smarttix.com or 212-868-4444
For more information and a complete schedule of screenings, please visit www.nykff.com.

FESTIVAL PROGRAM:

Wednesday 10/21
7PM: HALF MOON directed by Bahman Ghobadi (NYU Cantor Film Center)

Thursday 10/22
6:30PM: CINEMA SHORTS: WOMEN IN KURDISH CINEMA (NYU Cantor Film Center) —FREE

8:30PM: CROSSING THE DUST directed by Shawkat Amin Korki (NYU Cantor Film Center)

Friday 10/23
12:00PM: KURDISH VISUAL MEDIA (Book Signing & Reception) (NYU Kevorkian Center Library) with Susan Meiselas, Müjde Arslan and Kerim Yildiz—FREE

6:30PM: CINEMA SHORTS: IDENTITY, LOSS & WAR (NYU Cantor Film Center)—FREE

8:00PM: MY MARLON AND BRANDO directed by Hüseyin Karabey (NYU Cantor Film Center)

Saturday 10/24
10AM-1PM: SATURDAY SEMINAR FOR TEACHERS: THE KURDS: CULTURE, POLITICS AND HISTORY ACROSS BORDERS
(NYU Kevorkian Center Library)—FREE Please contact kevorkian.center@nyu.edu for details.

1PM: YOL direted by Yılmaz Güney/ Şerif Gören (NYU Kevorkian Center Screening Room)—FREE

4PM: FILMMAKERS’ PANEL: DIALOGUE ACROSS BORDERS: Kurdish Directors in Conversation (NYU Cantor Film Center)—FREE
Filmmakers are Müjde Arslan, Bahman Ghobadi, Kazım Öz, Jano Rosebiani, Hiner Saleem, and Hisham Zaman.

7PM: THE STORM (US PREMIERE) directed by Kazım Öz (NYU Cantor Film Center)

Sunday 10/25
1PM: CLOSE UP KURDISTAN (DOCUMENTARY) directed by Yüksel Yavuz (NYU Kevorkian Center Screening Room)—FREE

3.30PM: JIYAN directed by Jano Rosebiani (NYU Cantor Film Center)

5:30PM BAWKE & WINTERLAND directed by Hisham Zaman (NYU Cantor Film Center)

7:30PM VODKA LEMON directed by Hiner Saleem (NYU Cantor Film Center)

SCREENING LOCATIONS
NYU Cantor Film Center
36 East 8th Street (just east of University Place), NY, NY

NYU Hagop Kevorkian Center
50 Washington Square South (at 255 Sullivan Street), NY, NY

NYU Faculty, Staff & Students: Contact Greta Scharnweber on
212-998-8872 or greta.scharnweber@nyu.edu

All other inquiries, please call
212-868-4444 or visit www.nykff.com.
—————————————

The First New York Kurdish Film Festival: A Cinema Across Borders is the first-ever film festival of Kurdish cinema in the United States. Bringing together an exciting range of films and documentaries from across the Kurdish region and the Kurdish diaspora, the festival will feature ten short films, a documentary and eight feature films, including the US premiere of The Storm by Kazım Öz (Ax, Fotograf). In addition, the festival will include a Filmmakers’ Panel with six prominent Kurdish filmmakers from Iran, Iraq, Turkey, and the diaspora to connect directly with New York audiences, and post-film Q&As with the filmmakers, providing potential new routes for understanding and dialogue. Situated in the heart of the Middle East, Kurdish cinema intersects with many of the great political conflicts of our age. These diverse films provide powerful and unexpected insights into our common world through stunning cinematography, rich narratives, and deeply humane storytelling.

The First New York Kurdish Film Festival: A Cinema Across Borders is directed by an independent organizing committee, presented by the Hagop Kevorkian Center for Near Eastern Studies at NYU, ArteEast and The London Kurdish Film Festival and supported, in part, by theCenter for Religion and Media at NYU, the Cultural Services of the French Embassy, the French-American Cultural Exchange, the Norwegian Film Institute and by public funds from the New York State Council on the Arts and the New York City Department of Cultural Affairs, in partnership with the City Council.

PKK Peace Caravan

Yesterday Turkey freed a group of Kurdish rebels who had crossed into Turkey from Iraq. Some say they were surrendering to the Turkish army; the 34 Kurds say they weren’t. Rather, they say, they were acting under the orders of Abdullah Öcalan, the imprisoned PKK leader, who said ‘peace groups’ should be sent to open the way for democratic politics in Turkey. Regardless, it is an important symbolic gesture that could be the catalyst in helping efforts to end the 25-year old conflict in the region.

The 34 Kurds who crossed into Turkey via the Habur Gate on Monday were PKK members and refugees. Most came from the UN-run refugee camp of Mexmur some 95 miles (150km) inside Kurdish Iraq, while eight came down from the Qandil Mountains, a PKK stronghold.

Turkish prosecutors at a civilian court set up at Habur Gate had originally sought to charge five of the eight PKK members from the Qandil Mountains. The charges would have been membership in an illegal organisation, the PKK. However, after being questioned at the border, those five were released. The other 29 had already been set free. The eight PKK fighters from the Qandil region are: Hamiyet Dinçer (f, 1971), Elif Uludağ (f, 1958), Hüseyin İpek (m, 1973), Şerif Gençdağ (m, 1973), Mustafa Ayhan (m, 1985), Vilayet Yakut (f, 1980), Lütfü Taş (m, 1952), and Gülbahar Çiçekçi (f, 1975).

On the Turkish side of the border thousands of well-wishers gathered waving flags and banners to await the arrival of the 34-strong ‘peace caravan.’ It was a chaotic celebration filled with hope and emotion. Men, women, and children filled the dusty streets…some dressed in red, yellow, and green; some in military fatigues…all cheering, applauding, and singing. On hand too were members of the Democratic Society Party (DTP). DTP leader, Ahmet Türk urged parties not to repeat past mistakes and to stop military operations. He said that this move “shows that the PKK is insisting on peace, not war.”

Prime Minister Erdoğan said of the peace group, “Is it possible not to be hopeful when you look at the pictures from Habur border crossing? Good things are happening in Turkey. This is hope.”

But not everyone is hopeful, or happy, with the AKP’s “Democratic Opening” initiative or the PKK’s gesture of peace. The two main Turkish nationalist parties, the CHP and the MHP, accuse the prime minister of negotiating with terrorists. Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) leader Devlet Bahçeli on Tuesday during a parliamentary group meeting called the returning 34 Kurds “treacherous terrorists who carry the blood of thousands of innocents.” No surprises there in his comments.

What is surprising though is that the Turkish military appears to be going along with all of this. There is a deep mistrust of this government in senior military circles and the army takes a hard line against the PKK. However, top generals have acknowledged (in private) that the Kurdish conflict cannot be solved through military means.

Meanwhile, the peace caravan marches on, winding its way through the country, PKK fighters atop the DTP bus, greeted by massive crowds everywhere.

And the momentum continues. The DTP announced today that they have started preparations to meet a group of PKK members coming from Europe. A statement released by the party said, “We will meet PKK members from Europe with the same glory.”

DTP Istanbul co-chair, Heval Mengi said “We, as the Peace and Democratic Solution Platform, will meet the representatives of Kurdish people from Europe who will come for the democratic solution for the Kurdish issue and demand for peace.”

Co-chair Mustafa Avci added, “Like the people in Silopi, we will welcome the ones coming from Europe gloriously. We will not leave from there until they meet with people.”

Sources:

Bahçeli calls PKK surrender ‘return of bloody terrorists’. Today’s Zaman, 21 October 2009.

Head, Jonathan. Turks and Kurds run risks for peace. BBC News, 20 October 2009.

PKK sends unarmed peace group to Turkey to contribute to democratic politics. Kurd Media, 19 October 2009.

Kurds released after surrender to Turkish authorities. EKurd, 20 October 2009

Second PKK group to come to Turkey from Europe. World Bulletin/News Desk, 21 October 2009.

Turkey prosecutors seek to charge Kurdish PKK rebels. EKurd, 20 October 2009.